The unfading ink of Faridabad Mazdoor Samachaar– a newspaper for and by the workers
In the spirit of Akbar Ilahabadi’s sher, Sher Singh has proclaimed: “If labourers will not tell their stories, they will be crushed.”
Co-founder and editor of Faridabad Mazdoor Samachar newspaper, Sher Singh worked for about four decades to make this newspaper the voice of labourers. Founded in 1982, the newspaper was centred around labour rights and workers’ lives, in Haryana and nearby industrial areas. From labour strikes to dilution of unions, migrant displacements to lack of humanity in dealing with labour sanitation, hygiene and fee demands — this newspaper had reports, essays, poetry and stories on these issues from the factories of Faridabad, Gurgaon, Noida and Delhi, narrated by the labourers themselves.
Sher Singh was not just an editor. A JNU postgraduate, he was also an activist, a mentor, and an essential pillar in the Labour Movement. In the bylanes of Faridabad’s industrial sector, where thousands of labourers set out in search of livelihood every day, Sher Singh visibilised this invisibilised city sincerely and relentlessly. When he started Faridabad Mazdoor Samachar (FMS) in 1982 in Faridabad (a broadsheet priced at 25 paise), he wanted to bring knowledge to the workers. But soon he realised that the workers didn’t need to be taught; we needed to learn from them. That started the editorial design of taalmel, saajhedhari and baatcheet (harmony, partnership and conversation). This was no ordinary newspaper run by advertisements and corporations. This was a movement — independent, fearless and wholly devoted to workers.
In 2021, The Third Eye Team spent a day with Sher Singh in his room in Autopin Jhuggi, Faridabad. In this conversation, we discussed industrial changes, the state of temporary workers and union movements. On the passing of Sher Singh on January 25, 2025, we share a glimpse of that afternoon with you:
"Unite, speak up and raise your voice — even then you are beguiled and shut up. The workers’ complaint remains that no one hears them out. They don’t always speak using only words, but in many other ways too."
"There are articles, there are a thousand ways…I have spoken to them [workers]. They say — “No one speaks up in our factory. Everyone is afraid…” The complaint is that even newer workers remain silent. But there are other ways of making your point — byway of jokes, sarcasm or criticism. We talk about exchange, communication, and mutual dialogue. These are the truly valuable things that make life meaningful."
"We used to sell this newspaper for 25 paise in 1982. We could sell it because it had quotes from workers and factories, which made it influential. This was all it had between 1982 and 1984. By 1987, the newspaper was made double-ruled, after which we increased its size. After the year 2000, we would get the content of three-fourths of the pages from factory workers. Workers do not really write, they mostly narrate. When we distributed the newspaper, the workers would share their stories with us. The ‘news’ would come to us in fragments. Before 2000, we would go to the workers ourselves. Most of our colleagues in the newspaper were also workers themselves."
"A lot of times workers in factories come and talk about whatever happens inside those factories. In a way, this [newspaper] is the composition of their descriptions."
"Now people are working on the FMS material to make a book — this will be its new form. The newspaper sells very few copies now. Earlier, we would stand outside with the newspapers and people would stop their cycles to buy it. But slowly, cycles have also disappeared from Faridabad."
Photo Courtesy: angryworkers.org
"Initially, we covered different areas — not just Faridabad. It would take us about 25 days to distribute all the newspapers. We covered three areas – in the Maruti [factory, Manesar], the market in Udyog Vihar and in Gurgaon as well. In Faridabad, we would distribute by the factory gates during the evening shift. Those were hyperactive days. We started distributing in Noida too, when it came into being."
"This was a fixed routine for us: distribute, sit together and talk. A lot of drafting happened during this time. We would keep a notebook around to note down whatever we talked about. Then we gathered it all, and after the 25th of every month, decided what to report. There were never too many copies of the newspaper… It was okay even if it fell short."
"We were able to personally have a conversation with the workers of Napino Auto Electronics. They talked about a lot of things. In 2014, they had 800 workers. There were two departments: one upstairs where electronic parts were manufactured, and one downstairs."
"During 2014, workers stopped work and stayed inside the factory. They did not leave the factory. Together, there were about 800 people, of which about 100 were women. The women too did not leave at night. This was the kind of atmosphere — women, girls, everyone gathered together. And when I say women, I mean 18 to 22-year-old girls, who chose to remain inside."
"This situation persisted for about 10 days. Men and women remained inside the factory. The factory owners shut down the canteens, so workers from neighbouring factories brought them food. By the end of 10 days, the control of moneylenders was removed and of the governing body too. The factory came under the full control of the workers. Young boys and girls were there throughout, day and night. This is exactly how a radical system is made, right? Where all were the girls coming from? Some from Orissa, some from Garhwal, a few from Rajasthan too. The boys too came from different places."
"I am calling this ‘de-occupation’."
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"There are constant efforts to loosen the control of workers. De-occupation was more visible over there. This ‘occupation limit’ or ‘occupy mode’ that people talk about, what does it actually mean? Mostly, ‘occupation’ means returning to original hierarchies. And de-occupation means to open up and free the atmosphere."
"So, in 2011…see this is about our colleague itself…he was a factory worker. People were of the opinion that the workers agreed to ‘taking possession’ of Maruti. This was in June 2011. But at that time, he objected to the word kabza (possession) — it seemed murky. They [the workers] debated amongst themselves about whether this was the right thing to do. Then they changed some things. They said that rather than “taking control” (‘kabza karna’), it is “loosening up control” (‘kabza hataana’), which is important. And, in my opinion, this is what radical structure really is."
"The word kabza or possession was responsible [for the Maruti Factory Violence in 2012]. “Taking possession” implies taking forcefully. But the real fight was towards “getting rid of this possession”. So then we changed the definition of “occupation” and “de-occupation”. For workers, it meant regulation within the limits of the factory."
"The nineties saw the emergence of electronics. This led to major trade exchanges. The whole line — engineering, electronics — saw a reconstruction of the labourer. While earlier 90 percent of the workforce was made up of labourers, it was now replaced by technical employees. This led to the inevitable: strikes happened, lockouts happened, unions increased."
"The corporate came to stand against unions. The intense unionisation that happened in response to corporatisation was like ‘automobile Marxism’. But that was the last visible form of that Marxism... We did not have a clear end, a clear ask by the end of it. This debate has happened many times at the national level. The debate was that permanent workers cannot be afforded."
"A new hazard emerged: who will become a permanent worker? Who will remain loyal to the company? This was the debate. The argument emerged in Japan in 1992 and spread to the rest of the world by 2000, be it America, Europe, or wherever. Soon, the companies who were manufacturing machine parts had ordinary workers, but the work was being given out on contract. So, this temporary nature of employment [and its benefits to the factory owner] attracted the attention of industrialists all over the world."
"You know, the kind of language that officials use… bechaara aadmi. But they also say that workers earning Rs. 50,000 a month no longer exist. Now, salaries exceed a lakh. That you can make about Rs. 80-90,000 at Escorts. But who gets this salary? Not the people who do the work, 95 per cent of which are temporary workers. And what is their salary? Only 8-12,000. He is the bechaara aadmi, the one who has no share in the system."
"What happened after the nineties — be it Maruti, Honda, Skoda — every place was given over to contractors. In so many companies, there were 12-hour-long shifts. Earlier, workers’ salaries were higher. Now it is the opposite. But temporary workers do end up earning more than guards. But a guard is on duty for 12 hours —12 hours a day for 30 days a month."
"The world is such an unsafe place that people are not doing anything, and nothing ever happens [there are no agitations anymore]. People are dejected. It is difficult to tell how much lower this will go."
"The newspaper has its own limits…we saw that even after publishing…but real change came about when phones! phones! phones! started being used. This meant that [workers were reading] in Manesar, Gurugram, Faridabad, Noida, Okhla and everywhere else, even in Rajasthan…"
"This meant that Whatsapp now became a means of communication. Earlier, the newspaper used to carry phone numbers. Then during the lockdown, Whatsapp became a way of connecting with each other in our day-to-day. The possibilities increased."
"Through the exchange over Whatsapp, we learnt that the whole world of labour and supporters of labour rights had now come closer together. All the news that we gathered was circulated through this medium. Some would also send in stories, but we never really saw them from the viewpoint of sectarian ideology or advocacy. We only observe what people are sharing. If we get a greeting, we remove that."
"Sher Singh passed away on 25 January, 2025 at the age of 75. He shared a daily WhatsApp broadcast, which we had been receiving since 2020. His last message was on 1 January, 2025 in which he shared the sixth installment of the ‘Manesar Majdoor Diary’, describing the plight of workers in both Hindi and English."
"It is still shocking to no longer receive a message from him at ungodly hours. However, with the determination of keeping the ray of hope alive, his colleagues and friends are working to take this campaign forward. You can read their work in detail by visiting their website here."
Translated from the Hindi by Pakhi Pande
Photos by Shivam Rastogi and interview by Shabani Hassanwalia
